Contents: Foreword. Introduction. HIMALAYA: 1. Threat to our northern borders. 2. A Himalayan policy. 3. Notes on Himalayan people. 4. Himalayan India : Some non-party and non-controversial suggestions. 5. Mansar. 6. Indian and Chinese tents. 7. Himalayas, the empty symbol and seven revolutions. 8. The Himalaya Bachao Sammelan. KASHMIR: 9. Kashmir. 10. An interview on Kashmir. 11. Dangerous strategy. 12. Future of Kashmir. 13. Letters from Kashmir. 14. Composition of cabinet. 15. Maulana Masoodi's dismissal. 16. The proposed U. S.- Pakistan Pact. 17. Resolution on Kashmir. URVASIAM. 18. Situation in Naga Hills. 19. Urvasiam: Prohibited area. 20. Barbarous policies in Urvasiam. 21. Right to unrestricted travel Flouted by India government. 22. The Naga problem. 23. Urvasiam : Some experiences. 24. Entering Urvasiam - an epilogue. 25. A few letters. 26. Certain uncontroversial suggestions. NEPAL. 27. India and Nepal. 28. Let us not forget Nepal. 29. Democracy versus tyranny. 30. The task before Nepal congress. 31. Cleverness or courage in Nepal. TIBET. 32. Chinese invasion of Tibet? 33. An Act against Asia and the World. 34. China s second assault on Tibet. 35. Tibetan refugees. 36. Talks with Dalai Lama. 37. Who championed Tibet s freedom? POLICY. 38. U. N. Vote on china-the aggressor. 39. Concerning our attitude towards Red China. 40. Chou-Nehru meet. 41. India, China, Tibet, congressism and communism. 42. India-China conflict . 43. Chinese premier's visit. 44. India, China and coloured peoples solidarity. 45. Can Delhi only breed Mohammad Shahs. 46. China's admission into U. N. 47. China and Portugal. 48. India-Pakistan confederation. 49. Russia, America and China. 50. Chinese invasion and our aims. 51. Violence and non-violence. 52. Jamboodweep, China, foreign Policy and Gandhism. 53. Afro-Asian leaders' compromise efforts. 53. Afro-Asian leaders' compromise efforts. 54. Sino-Indian war : Seven ideas. 55. Efficacy of nonviolence in war. 56. No compromise. 57. American aid. 58. Three wills in International Relationship. 59. To Afro-Asian leaders. 60. Three Asias. 61. A press conference. 62. Military assistance. 63. Some aspects of India's China policy. DOCUMENTS. 64. Chronology of Chinese aggression. 65. Unilateral cease-fire by China. 66. Colombo proposals. MAPS. 67. Maps India's frontier. 68. Maps 1 to 11. Contrary tendencies have of course been at work. But to mistake these unsuccessful amendments for the main proposition would be grievous error. The recent most error has been to rave about the resurgence and unity of the nation in the face of China's invasion. Dirty people have even lauded the Chinese invasion for this blessing. India's big men are so uncertain of themselves and their country that they must see a silver lining in every cloud. Actually, the silver lining has itself been an optical illusion. The resurgence and unity were frothy and restricted to urban areas and middle classes. The acid test is of course harder. Has this Chinese tragedy made any difference to habits of thought and behaviour of thousands of groups and castes that are supposed to form the Indian people? The Indian people does not yet exist, that is as a viable people capable of defending its statehood. Thousands of groups and castes exist, each willing for its own interest to deceive state permanently and desert it occasionally. Unless a rapid course of dissolution of these groups is put through, India cannot prosper. Freedom in the narrow sense is of course not imperilled. If the Chinese had kept on advancing into India, the present government would have been replaced by one of the nationalist or communist resolve. One would have stopped the Chinese advance by force, including proxy-force, and the other by consent. Physical enslavement of peoples seems no longer to be possible. What is possible, and in the case of the Indian people probable, is spiritual liberation or dirt and economic misery.